THE SOVIET PLAYBOOK | FROM OUR GENERATION #65

Democratic Socialists are winning primaries in deep blue districts and now testing whether their platform can survive swing-state voters. Three bellwether races will answer the question. In Maine, Susan Collins faces a socialist replacement candidate after Graham Platner's exit. Collins is one of the few genuinely moderate politicians in America, reelected three times in a purple state. In Michigan, a DSA-backed Senate candidate endorsed by Bernie Sanders and AOC openly calls for tearing down the system. In Wisconsin, a hard-left candidate leads the Democratic gubernatorial primary against an establishment opponent so weak the party is trying to recruit a previously expelled candidate back into the race, despite his history of virulently anti-gay social media posts they themselves deemed disqualifying months earlier.

The DSA platform reads like a condensed version of the 1936 Soviet Constitution. Article 4 of that document established socialist ownership of the means of production as the economic foundation of the state. The DSA says the government should own the largest corporations. The S&P 500 is worth roughly $60 trillion. 62 million Americans personally own shares. Pension funds, 401(k)s, and IRAs hold trillions more. Government seizure of those companies would send every share to zero. No interviewer has asked a DSA candidate what happens to the 150 million Americans whose retirement savings vanish overnight.

Marx's labor theory of value, the idea that only physical work creates worth, is the foundation of every socialist economic argument. AOC says nobody earns a billion dollars. The claim only holds if you define value as hours worked. It collapses the moment you account for invention, innovation, and the creation of products that millions of people voluntarily choose to buy. Elon Musk is worth a trillion dollars. His companies are worth seven to eight trillion. He created six to seven trillion dollars of wealth for other people: employees, investors, pension funds, and customers.

Government-run enterprises cannot even cover their own expenses. The Post Office loses $10 billion a year. Amtrak has never broken even. Every municipal bus system in the country runs at a loss. The New York subway system loses money despite generating revenue. The structural reason is simple: government enterprises have no mechanism to control costs because their expense side is driven by politics, not competition.

Nate Silver's research identifies the DSA's base: well-educated, poorly paid, concentrated in teaching, nonprofits, social work, and the public sector. All four categories are government-adjacent. The people who benefit most from expanding government are the ones advocating for it.

The "Omni Cause" connects 16 categories of leftist activism into a single framework: Palestine, police abolition, open borders, climate, housing, gender, race, decolonization, and more. Each requires more government. The underlying premise is that society is a hierarchy of oppressor and oppressed, that neutrality is complicity, and that silence is support for the dominant group. Once that framing is accepted, every policy conclusion follows automatically.

Britain's seventh prime minister in ten years took office with a speech blaming Margaret Thatcher's 1980s reforms for the country's problems. Those reforms were the last time British decline was actually reversed. The new PM's ideas were shot down within days by his own coalition. He is unlikely to last a year.

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